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It is what he has inherited from Musharraf. Bush's belligerence may too have a life beyond his term of office; both the presidential candidates use the rhetoric of intimidation about Pakistan and Afghanistan.
Not to be denied is the fact that what might have been America's war in 2001 to re-shape the broader Middle East has become Pakistan's war in the eastern theatre as the insurgents - Al Qaida, the Afghan Taliban and the Pakistani Taliban - now unanimously identify Islamabad as a major enemy that has to be defeated either by carving an Islamist emirate in the Pushtun belt or even in the whole of Pakistan
Zardari's invitation to Karzai was an act of statesmanship. It was a multi-tone signal that Pakistan accepted the ownership of the war against the terrorists while reminding Karzai that mighty empires from Alexander the Great to the British via the Great Mughals had to, in the end, arrive at a peaceful settlement with these tribes.
Recent intensification of military operations by Pakistan has created a major problem of internal refugees in the Bajaur area in the battered tribal belt. Bush is sending 4,500 troops from Iraq with a similar number raised from other Nato countries. But the over-all strength will still not give the coalition a decisive military victory. Nor would it reduce the dependence on the highly erratic air power that often acts on faulty intelligence.
It may well be that presidents Zardari and Karzai would do some thinking together in the months ahead and persuade the Americans that it was time for a change of tactics if not a for a revised mission statement and objectives. Ironically, the two Muslim heads of state need to try to reduce the ideological element in Bush's own policy towards the Islamists of Afghanistan and Pakistan

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